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Urban highways are not racist objects, but the policies that routed them and the racial consequences of those decisions are. From the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956 through today’s expansion and repair proposals, officials repeatedly placed expressways through Black, Latino, immigrant and poor neighborhoods that had less political power, while powerful white communities more often diverted or stopped projects. The result was demolition, isolation, lost wealth, higher pollution and enduring segregation.
The clearest account is Justice and the Interstates: The Racist Truth about Urban Highways, a 2023 essay collection edited by Ryan Reft, Amanda Phillips de Lucas and Rebecca Retzlaff. Its case studies show that displacement was not an unpredictable side effect of an otherwise neutral system. It was frequently anticipated, politically useful and protected by planning practices that treated communities of color as expendable.
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It means that highway location, law and implementation reproduced racial inequality. Concrete has no intent. Government agencies and elected officials did. As law professor and civil-rights lawyer Deborah N. Archer put it, “Highways were built through and around Black communities to entrench racial inequality and protect white spaces and privilege,” as quoted in Diane Jones Allen’s ArchDaily essay.
Early twentieth-century racial zoning, redlining and restrictive housing practices had already concentrated Black and Latino residents in specific districts. Those same districts were then easier to label “blighted,” acquire through eminent domain and clear for an expressway. The highway did not create segregation by itself; it locked earlier choices into a permanent physical barrier and accelerated white flight, disinvestment and job loss.
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Archer describes another pattern in which interstates encircled Black neighborhoods rather than cutting directly through them. In HISTORY’s account, she says roads became “a protective maze of freeways, moats, concrete parapets and asphalt no man’s lands” that separated white communities from Black communities and protected white people from Black migration.
How did the 1956 highway program make this possible?
The Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956 supplied unprecedented federal money while leaving urban route choices largely to state and local highway officials. A 2025 review of Deborah N. Archer’s Dividing Lines describes a $25 billion authorization for 41,000 miles, with states responsible for roughly the final 10 percent. The ACLU describes more than 40,000 miles planned and built through the 1960s and 1970s.
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Sarah Jo Peterson’s chapter in Justice and the Interstates challenges the older story that interstates were meant only for intercity travel and that cities alone misused them. Federal Highway Administration officials and the highway industry anticipated dismantling and relocation, while presenting those effects as outside highway planning. In the 1960s, additional “citizen participation” often functioned mainly to build support for projects already selected.
Resistance was real but unequal. Residents in Washington, D.C., Philadelphia and Baltimore blocked some proposed freeways. In other cases, politically powerful white enclaves stopped or moved roads, while integrated or predominantly Black neighborhoods could not. A 1960 Atlanta planning document described Interstate 20 west of downtown as “the boundary between the white and Negro communities,” a phrase quoted by The American Prospect.
How many people were displaced?
No source in the available record provides one audited national percentage of people displaced by interstates, broken down by race. The estimates below therefore must not be merged into a single precise total:
- More than 475,000 households and more than one million people: a U.S. Department of Transportation estimate reported by HISTORY in 2021.
- More than one million Americans, most of them low-income minorities: a finding attributed to former Transportation Secretary Anthony Foxx by Reuters in 2021.
- Up to one million people, disproportionately Black: planning scholar Alan A. Altshuler, as cited by historian Raymond A. Mohl and the American Society of Civil Engineers.
- At least one million people: the Congress for the New Urbanism’s reading of available data, reported by The American Prospect.
- More than one million Black and immigrant residents directly affected: Tierra Bills’ note in the JSTOR record for Justice and the Interstates.
These are different organizations, methods and formulations. “Disproportionate,” “most of them low-income minorities” and “more than one million Black and immigrant residents” are not interchangeable claims.
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Urban-renewal displacement is a related but separate count. A 2025 review of Archer’s work says that from 1949 to 1973, 2,532 urban-renewal projects in 992 cities displaced one million people, two-thirds of them Black. Those projects cannot be relabeled as interstate-only totals. In Durham’s Hayti, for example, roughly 500 businesses and 4,000 families were lost through urban renewal, according to research discussed by JSTOR Daily.
Which neighborhoods show how the system worked?
Syracuse’s 15th Ward and I-81
In Syracuse, an elevated I-81 viaduct was extended through the 15th Ward, where nearly 90 percent of the city’s Black population lived. More than 1,300 families lost homes, churches and businesses; construction began in 1960 and was completed in 1968. The ACLU reports that jobs, housing, schools and public health declined over the following decades while poverty, pollution and crime rose.
David Rufus, who grew up there and later organized with the New York Civil Liberties Union, told the ACLU: “I’ve seen the move from a very vibrant and interactive community of people of color to a community that has been shunned and overlooked and broken down.” A July 2023 draft environmental-impact statement favored a community grid rather than a taller viaduct, added air-quality monitoring and created a working group for roughly 10 to 12 acres that removal could free. The NYCLU has argued that developable land should be placed in a community land trust, with affordable housing, environmental safeguards and local hiring.
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1Fix the driver behind crashes, sound loss and screen glitches2Clear out junk files and repair common Windows errors3Scan for outdated or missing drivers - takes under a minuteA suburban group, Renew 81 For All, sued to preserve a larger highway. The ACLU article said the case was on appeal in New York’s Fourth Department as of August 10, 2023. Later construction or litigation status is not established in the available sources.
New Orleans’ Claiborne Avenue and Tremé
Before I-10, Claiborne Avenue was a cultural and commercial spine of Black New Orleans, lined with oak trees and more than 120 businesses. The expressway removed the trees and demolished about 500 homes; only a few dozen businesses remained, according to ASCE. Residents call the elevated road “The Monster.”
At Hunter’s Field Playground beneath the viaduct, NPR recorded noise comparable to a motorcycle engine at close range. LSU researchers recorded preliminary fine-particle pollution of about 18 micrograms per cubic meter; researcher Beatrice Duah said it should be “at most, at most, 12.” The study was still beginning when NPR reported in December 2023, so that reading is not a final health determination or a current federal-standard comparison.
Artist and urban designer Amy Stelly supports removing the freeway. She told NPR, “I have never seen a child play here,” and objects to placing a market or entertainment district under the same pollution source. New Orleans and Louisiana instead proposed a $95 million plan to repair the existing structure and add a public market and performance space beneath it; NPR said only $500,000 had been received at publication. The disagreement is substantive: activation under a viaduct is not the same as eliminating the viaduct.
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Montgomery’s civil-rights neighborhoods
In Montgomery, Alabama, I-65 and I-85 disconnected 13 streets and provided no off-ramps to the targeted neighborhood. Construction displaced 1,596 families and dismantled 74 small businesses. The routes cut through Centennial Hill, Bel Air and the Bottoms, areas associated with civil-rights leaders including Martin Luther King Jr. and Ralph Abernathy.
Rebecca Retzlaff told NPR that I-85 “cut through the city’s only middle-class Black neighborhood” and was “designed to displace and punish the organizers of the civil rights movement.” Reuters reported that Alabama’s highway director, described there as a high-ranking Ku Klux Klan officer, routed the interstate through a neighborhood where many Black civil-rights leaders lived. Because the Reuters excerpt does not independently join that description to a named official, the two facts should not be collapsed into one unqualified sentence.
Rondo, Baltimore and Overtown
St. Paul’s Rondo neighborhood contained nearly 80 percent of the city’s Black population. Interstate 94 destroyed about 700 homes and 300 businesses, according to a USA Today opinion column. ReConnect Rondo proposes a land bridge creating up to 22 acres for housing, commerce and parks.
In West Baltimore, the U.S. 40/Franklin-Mulberry Expressway razed nearly 1,000 predominantly middle-class Black homes and 62 businesses. The surviving 1.39-mile stub is known as the “Highway to Nowhere.” The American Prospect separately reports that 3,000 people were displaced; homes, businesses and people are different units of measurement.
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Miami’s Overtown, once called the “Harlem of the South,” lost 87 acres of housing and commercial property to I-95. HISTORY, citing Richard Rothstein’s The Color of Law, says only 8,000 of an estimated 40,000 residents remained. The Los Angeles Times describes a loss of roughly 30,000 people, or about three-quarters of the population, by completion of the downtown interchange in 1968. Both accounts show the scale without pretending they are a new census estimate.
East Los Angeles, Milwaukee, Pittsburgh and beyond
Freeway construction in East Los Angeles removed about 2,844 dwelling units and displaced 10,966 residents. It added 35 barriers to local streets, lengthening trips and restricting pedestrians. Gilbert Estrada and Jerry Gonzalez connect the impact to limited political representation, gerrymandering and voter suppression, and describe a “submerged migration” into surrounding suburbs.
Milwaukee’s Bronzeville and other Black neighborhoods lost about 20,000 homes to urban renewal and highway development between 1960 and 1971. Jobs moved outward, transit-dependent residents lost access, property values fell and residents faced lead and respiratory hazards. Cincinnati’s West End displaced roughly 25,000 predominantly Black residents for I-75. Pittsburgh’s Lower Hill, a major African American arts center, suffered earlier civic-arena clearance and later I-579 construction; its population fell from 54,000 in 1950 to 9,500 in 2013, a decline with multiple causes, not the highway alone.
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In Pasadena, a UCLA Institute of Transportation Studies project reports that freeway-affected tracts lost almost 1,800 housing units, a 28 percent decline, between 1960 and 1970, while the city overall continued to grow. The project links the corridor to greater segregation and economic polarization, but its search timestamp is November 2026 and describes historical change, not a current displacement count.
What damage remains after construction?
Demolition was only the first injury. Highway barriers interrupt walking routes, isolate schools and jobs, depress nearby property values and make daily services harder to reach. The ACLU lists asthma, heart disease, mental-health risks, noise exposure, premature death, food insecurity, business failure and community trauma among the consequences.
Highways also blocked wealth formation. As ACLU strategist Carlos Moreno explained, homes in redlined neighborhoods were denied fair mortgages and typically did not appreciate like homes elsewhere. A family that loses a house to eminent domain loses not only shelter but also the principal asset that might have financed education, a business or retirement.
Current expansion proposals can repeat the pattern. In 2023, the ACLU described a roughly $3 billion Charleston County I-526 proposal that could demolish or relocate close to 100 mostly Black- and Brown-owned businesses and homes. In Mississippi’s Gulfport, the Los Angeles Times reported that planners bulldozed 111 homes in a Black neighborhood founded by formerly enslaved people for a proposed port connection to I-10. Repair therefore has to ask who bears the next round of pollution, relocation and land-value change—not only whether traffic moves faster.
What are the real repair options?
There is no single “reconnection” design. The options differ in whether the traffic structure remains, who controls land and who continues to breathe emissions.
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|---|---|---|
| Removal or surface grid | The viaduct comes down and traffic is distributed on ordinary streets. | Syracuse’s proposed community grid; Stelly’s goal for Claiborne. The key question is whether freed land becomes community-controlled housing, business space and parks. |
| Cap or land bridge | The highway remains below a deck that reconnects blocks. | ReConnect Rondo proposes up to 22 acres. A cap can restore crossings and create development land, but it does not remove traffic emissions and can increase land values and displacement. |
| Keep the viaduct and build underneath | The structure is repaired while markets, parks or cultural venues occupy the space below. | New Orleans’ $95 million Claiborne plan. Stelly argues that noise and fine particles make a destination under I-10 unsafe; supporters see activation as a way to reclaim space and build momentum for later removal. |
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Land governance is as important as engineering. The NYCLU has urged a community land trust for Syracuse’s developable parcels. The ACLU has warned that a poorly designed rebuild can gentrify the same neighborhood a highway destroyed. Air-quality monitoring, anti-displacement rules, affordable housing, local hiring and resident control should be specified before construction begins, not promised after a ribbon-cutting.
Independent reader supportYour contribution helps us test, update, and keep practical guides available for everyone.What federal funding exists?
The Biden administration’s FY2022 budget proposed $15 billion for reconnecting communities; that was a proposal, not an enacted appropriation. The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act created a Reconnecting Communities pilot widely reported as $1 billion. The ACLU says the law called for reconnecting neighborhoods divided by historic investments while advancing racial equity and environmental justice, and specifically identified I-81 and Claiborne.
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A 2024 USA Today opinion column says the Inflation Reduction Act added $3.2 billion, with at least $1.3 billion for economically disadvantaged communities, and that the combined programs awarded grants to 45 communities from 435 applicants. It says Baltimore and Rondo each received $2 million. That account should not be added mechanically to the earlier $15 billion proposal or treated as a verified 2026 award dashboard. The sources available here also do not establish a national total of urban-interstate miles removed or capped.
What should construction and planning professionals do differently?
The book’s audience includes engineers, planners, landscape architects, historians, policymakers and community advocates. Its practical charge is to treat transportation as a civil-rights and public-health decision, not only a capacity calculation.
- Map historic harm first. Identify demolished blocks, redlining, prior urban renewal, pollution burdens, churches, businesses and displaced residents before selecting an alignment.
- Give affected residents decision power. Public meetings are not enough if route, design and land-use choices are already fixed. Use paid local advisory roles, transparent alternatives and enforceable commitments.
- Separate mobility benefits from equity claims. Report travel-time and safety effects alongside displacement risk, asthma exposure, noise, property loss and access to jobs and schools.
- Control the land created by removal or capping. Community land trusts, permanently affordable housing, small-business space and parks can prevent a second displacement.
- Fund long-term stewardship. A project needs money for air monitoring, maintenance, tree canopy, pedestrian safety and community programming after construction.
Landscape architects can lead environmental and social-cultural reclamation, while transportation agencies can direct infrastructure, preservation, affordable-housing and economic-development funds toward neighborhoods that carried the original cost.
Why does this history matter for current highway projects?
Because the same decision pattern remains available: choose the path of least political resistance, call the neighborhood blighted, promise economic growth and count only vehicles. The history of Syracuse, Claiborne, Montgomery, Rondo, Overtown and East Los Angeles shows that a project can meet an engineering objective while transferring health, wealth and displacement costs to residents with the least power.
Confronting the legacy means making those costs visible, allowing removal to compete honestly with expansion, and defining success as durable community health and wealth—not simply a rebuilt road.
Frequently Asked Questions
Are all highways in Black neighborhoods evidence of intentional racism?
No single road can be explained without local records, and some routes reflected several motives. The documented national pattern is that officials repeatedly used racialized maps, eminent domain and unequal political power to place or preserve highways through communities of color, while stronger white neighborhoods more often diverted projects.
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Does removing a highway automatically repair a neighborhood?
No. Removal can restore street connections and free land, but redevelopment may raise rents and property taxes. Anti-displacement protections, community land control, affordable housing and resident-led business investment determine whether removal produces repair rather than a second displacement.
What is the difference between a highway cap and highway removal?
A cap or land bridge leaves traffic, emissions and maintenance below a deck while creating a new surface for crossings or development. Removal eliminates the viaduct and usually replaces it with a surface-street network; the two approaches have different costs, health effects and land-use consequences.
How reliable are the one-million-person displacement figures?
They are estimates from different organizations and sources, not one audited national racial database. They consistently indicate a scale around one million people, but the reported categories—households, people, low-income minorities, Black residents or Black and immigrant residents—must be attributed to the specific source rather than combined.
Is the Syracuse I-81 community grid already complete?
The available evidence does not establish its construction or litigation status after August 10, 2023. At that point, the preferred official alternative was a community grid, a draft environmental-impact statement had proposed monitoring and a land-use working group, and a lawsuit sought to preserve a larger highway.

